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todayonline.com
Publisher	 Philip Koh
Editor	 Walter Fernandez
Deputy Editor	 Lee Foong Ming
Associate Editor	 Chan Teck Guan
Night Editor 	 Richard J Valladares
Editor-At-Large	 Conrad Raj
News Editor	 Yvonne Lim
Foreign	 Trixia Carungcong
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Features	 Phin Wong
Chief Sub-Editor 	 Razali Abdullah
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Online	 Ariel Tam
Special Projects	 Jenny Kong
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Product Manager	 Joni Ng
MediaCorp Press Ltd
Caldecott Broadcast Centre,
Annex Building, Level 1,
Andrew Rd, Singapore 299939
Tel 6236 4888 | Fax 6534 4217
today@mediacorp.com.sg
Today
Director	 Dr Chitra Rajaram
General News	 Teo Chia Leen
Mustafa Shafawi, Ben Tan
Bhagman Singh, Derrick Paulo
Julia Ng, Imelda Saad
Business News	 MelvinYong
Azhar Khalid
Wong SiewYing
Sports News	 Leonard Thomas
Hakikat Rai
TV Building, 2nd Floor, Caldecott Broadcast Centre,
Andrew Rd, Singapore 299939
Tel 6251 7671 | Fax 6251 5352
mediacorpnewshub@mediacorp.com.sg
MediaCorp NewsHub
Much has been said about China’s exertion of soft
power and its implications for the world.
It is usually manifested in the form of “utilitar-
ian” soft power or soft power that serves as a means
to an end.
But there are growing indications that the Asian
giant has been turning to a new and non-utilitarian
form of soft power.
The concept of soft power was coined over a decade
ago by Harvard academic Joseph Nye. As Mr Nye ex-
plained, it rests on “the ability to shape the preferences
of others … It is leading by example and attracting
others to do what you want”.
Soft power is conveyed through various means,
such as a country’s popular culture, its public diplo-
macy, business actions abroad and the gravitational
pull of a nation’s economic strength.
In China’s case, it has exercised soft power, or
“charm offensive”, in the form of investments, eco-
nomic expansion, trade liberalisation, overseas assist-
ance, finance and development, and so on.
These are what I would describe as “utilitarian” soft
power, as economic expansion and trade liberalisation
are mainly foreign policy instruments in advancing
a country’s national interests and power, and can
be counted upon to elevate a
country’s power and stature.
The tools are “utilitarian” as
the increase in power and inter-
national stature will help China
accumulate more wealth and
legitimacy, and, in turn, enable
the ruling party to continue and
strengthen its hold on power.
At least for the foreseeable
future, China’s purpose in exer-
cising soft power is to ensure
a peaceful and stable external
environment for its continued
economic development.
This also includes secur-
ing key markets and raw ma-
terials in Africa, Asia and Latin
America that are needed for the
country’s growth.
Clearly, China is aware
that it cannot compete with
the United States on core values
such as democracy, rule of law
and human rights.
And even in the unlikely
possibility that China makes
the political transition to de-
mocracy in the foreseeable fu-
ture, it is doubtful that Asia’s
largest economy will be viewed
as a shining beacon of universal
core values.
But within China, there
is a growing debate — and an
emerging consensus — that key
Chinese virtues and major ele-
ments of its ancient civilisation
should serve as a second-tier of
core values with universal appeal and applicability.
These include notable Chinese values such as yi he
wei gui (the fundamental importance of harmony), yi
de fu ren (the use of virtue to convince others to your
point of view or behave in ways that you desire) and
bu zhan er qu ren zhi bing (or conquering one’s enemies
without resorting to warfare).
In addition, China’s developmental model of ensur-
ing economic development over political liberalisation
will also fall into this category of universal appeal, es-
pecially for developing countries seeking an alternative
development model.
This second-tier of values are largely “non-utilitar-
ian” in nature and stem from the belief of a growing
number of Chinese elites and academia that there is
much within the treasure trove of Chinese culture and
civilisation that has universal appeal and applicability.
As Ningbo University academic Chen Zhengliang
wrote in his book on China’s soft power, the country has
to more aggressively propagate its culture and civilisa-
tion. China, too, has to toss out the notion that “China
ought to win the world’s respect because of its ancient
history and civilisation. It has to understand that respect
for one’s history cannot be automatically translated into
present charms or attractions”, Dr Chen argued.
Naturally, much of the confidence among Chi-
nese elites and academia stems from the growing
pride among the Chinese in their country’s exceptional
growth, coupled with the firm belief in China’s cultural
superiority. Moreover, there is also the desire not only
to disseminate that superior culture but also a yearn-
ing to obtain a widespread acknowledgement that the
Chinese culture is indeed superior.
This “non-utilitarian” form of soft power is not
intended to replace America’s soft power but rather to
serve as an Asian complement to its American counter-
part. Though derived from the inherent Chinese pride
for their culture, it is not a manifestation of — nor is it
likely to contribute to aggressive nationalism — due to
its more subtle and nuanced nature.
Certainly, it is the hope of many that both China’s
“utilitarian” and “non-utilitarian” soft power will go
hand in hand in ameliorating the nervousness and
anxieties associated with the rise of the country.
A receptive response to China’s double-pronged
“charm offensive” might also persuade China to prac-
tise what it preaches, such as Beijing’s emphasis on
harmony and peaceful ascendancy. ¢
mariasiow@mediacorp.com.sg
The writer is the East Asia bureau chief at Today
and Channel NewsAsia.
China’s charm offensive
Will it soothe nervousness about the country’s growing power?
globalcitizen
MariaSiow
China exercises soft power is to ensure a peaceful and
stable external environment for its economic development.
¡ pov oh, my papa! 40 ¡ global citizen the mood in america, the momentum in asia 41

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91 - China's Charm Offensive

  • 1. we set you thinking todayonline.com Publisher Philip Koh Editor Walter Fernandez Deputy Editor Lee Foong Ming Associate Editor Chan Teck Guan Night Editor Richard J Valladares Editor-At-Large Conrad Raj News Editor Yvonne Lim Foreign Trixia Carungcong Voices Agatha Koh Brazil Features Phin Wong Chief Sub-Editor Razali Abdullah Design Edric Sng Online Ariel Tam Special Projects Jenny Kong Advertising Admin & Production Angela Chia Product Manager Joni Ng MediaCorp Press Ltd Caldecott Broadcast Centre, Annex Building, Level 1, Andrew Rd, Singapore 299939 Tel 6236 4888 | Fax 6534 4217 today@mediacorp.com.sg Today Director Dr Chitra Rajaram General News Teo Chia Leen Mustafa Shafawi, Ben Tan Bhagman Singh, Derrick Paulo Julia Ng, Imelda Saad Business News MelvinYong Azhar Khalid Wong SiewYing Sports News Leonard Thomas Hakikat Rai TV Building, 2nd Floor, Caldecott Broadcast Centre, Andrew Rd, Singapore 299939 Tel 6251 7671 | Fax 6251 5352 mediacorpnewshub@mediacorp.com.sg MediaCorp NewsHub Much has been said about China’s exertion of soft power and its implications for the world. It is usually manifested in the form of “utilitar- ian” soft power or soft power that serves as a means to an end. But there are growing indications that the Asian giant has been turning to a new and non-utilitarian form of soft power. The concept of soft power was coined over a decade ago by Harvard academic Joseph Nye. As Mr Nye ex- plained, it rests on “the ability to shape the preferences of others … It is leading by example and attracting others to do what you want”. Soft power is conveyed through various means, such as a country’s popular culture, its public diplo- macy, business actions abroad and the gravitational pull of a nation’s economic strength. In China’s case, it has exercised soft power, or “charm offensive”, in the form of investments, eco- nomic expansion, trade liberalisation, overseas assist- ance, finance and development, and so on. These are what I would describe as “utilitarian” soft power, as economic expansion and trade liberalisation are mainly foreign policy instruments in advancing a country’s national interests and power, and can be counted upon to elevate a country’s power and stature. The tools are “utilitarian” as the increase in power and inter- national stature will help China accumulate more wealth and legitimacy, and, in turn, enable the ruling party to continue and strengthen its hold on power. At least for the foreseeable future, China’s purpose in exer- cising soft power is to ensure a peaceful and stable external environment for its continued economic development. This also includes secur- ing key markets and raw ma- terials in Africa, Asia and Latin America that are needed for the country’s growth. Clearly, China is aware that it cannot compete with the United States on core values such as democracy, rule of law and human rights. And even in the unlikely possibility that China makes the political transition to de- mocracy in the foreseeable fu- ture, it is doubtful that Asia’s largest economy will be viewed as a shining beacon of universal core values. But within China, there is a growing debate — and an emerging consensus — that key Chinese virtues and major ele- ments of its ancient civilisation should serve as a second-tier of core values with universal appeal and applicability. These include notable Chinese values such as yi he wei gui (the fundamental importance of harmony), yi de fu ren (the use of virtue to convince others to your point of view or behave in ways that you desire) and bu zhan er qu ren zhi bing (or conquering one’s enemies without resorting to warfare). In addition, China’s developmental model of ensur- ing economic development over political liberalisation will also fall into this category of universal appeal, es- pecially for developing countries seeking an alternative development model. This second-tier of values are largely “non-utilitar- ian” in nature and stem from the belief of a growing number of Chinese elites and academia that there is much within the treasure trove of Chinese culture and civilisation that has universal appeal and applicability. As Ningbo University academic Chen Zhengliang wrote in his book on China’s soft power, the country has to more aggressively propagate its culture and civilisa- tion. China, too, has to toss out the notion that “China ought to win the world’s respect because of its ancient history and civilisation. It has to understand that respect for one’s history cannot be automatically translated into present charms or attractions”, Dr Chen argued. Naturally, much of the confidence among Chi- nese elites and academia stems from the growing pride among the Chinese in their country’s exceptional growth, coupled with the firm belief in China’s cultural superiority. Moreover, there is also the desire not only to disseminate that superior culture but also a yearn- ing to obtain a widespread acknowledgement that the Chinese culture is indeed superior. This “non-utilitarian” form of soft power is not intended to replace America’s soft power but rather to serve as an Asian complement to its American counter- part. Though derived from the inherent Chinese pride for their culture, it is not a manifestation of — nor is it likely to contribute to aggressive nationalism — due to its more subtle and nuanced nature. Certainly, it is the hope of many that both China’s “utilitarian” and “non-utilitarian” soft power will go hand in hand in ameliorating the nervousness and anxieties associated with the rise of the country. A receptive response to China’s double-pronged “charm offensive” might also persuade China to prac- tise what it preaches, such as Beijing’s emphasis on harmony and peaceful ascendancy. ¢ mariasiow@mediacorp.com.sg The writer is the East Asia bureau chief at Today and Channel NewsAsia. China’s charm offensive Will it soothe nervousness about the country’s growing power? globalcitizen MariaSiow China exercises soft power is to ensure a peaceful and stable external environment for its economic development. ¡ pov oh, my papa! 40 ¡ global citizen the mood in america, the momentum in asia 41