2. In the News
Congress Lets Student Loan Rates Double
http://video.msnbc.msn.com/up/52406830#52406830
3. Gerrymandering
“Not Gerrymandering, but Districting: More Evidence on
How Democrats Won the Popular Vote but Lost the
Congress
http://themonkeycage.org/2012/11/15/not-gerrymandering-but-
districting-more-evidence-on-how-democrats-won-the-popular-
vote-but-lost-the-congress/
“Unintentional Gerrymandering” Political Geography and
the U.S. House Vote
Democrats are inefficiently concentrated in large cities and
small industrial agglomerations.
http://themonkeycage.org/2012/11/10/political-geography-and-
2012-u-s-house-vote/
http://elections.nytimes.com/2012/results/house/big-
board
4. Where Have We Been?
Constitutional Foundations & Design of Congress
Constitution
Federalist 51
The Two Congresses and the Representative-
Constituent Linkage
Two Congresses:
Miller and Stokes (1963)
Institutionalization of Congress
Elections and the Rules of the Game
Districting Process
5. Where Are We Going?
Who enters?
Who wins?
Who votes for them?
What effect do elections have on governance?
6. Readings
DOL (58-67)
Maestas et al. (2006) “When to Risk It?
Institutions, Ambitions, and the Decision to Run for
the U.S. House” American Political Science Review
100(2): 195-208.
8. Barriers to entering
Constitution
What does the Constitution require of Congressional
candidates?
District features
What must candidates consider about their districts?
Nominating procedures and primaries
How can this process change who decides to run?
General election prospects
9. Maestas et al. (2006)
Why are the authors concerned about analyzing the
decision model through a two-stage process?
What method do they use to determine the ambition
of state legislators?
Why might members of a professional legislature be
more likely to run for Congress? Conversely, why
might they be more likely to stay in their current
office?
Finally, what do they find? What factors make
legislators more or less ambitious? What factors
make ambitious legislators more or less likely to run?
11. Pennsylvania State House Map
Source:
http://aws.redistricting.state.pa.us/Redistricting/Resou
rces/GISData/Districts/Legislative/House/2011-
Revised-Final/PDF/2011-Revised-Final-Plan-Map-
House.pdf
12. Pennsylvania State Senate Map
Source:
http://aws.redistricting.state.pa.us/Redistricting/Resources/GI
SData/Districts/Legislative/Senate/2011-Revised-
Final/PDF/2011-Revised-Final-Plan-Map-Senate.pdf
13. Running for Higher Office – Previous
Assumptions
Expected utility of winning a higher office - E(Uh)
E(Uh) = phBh – Ch
Expected utility of retaining the current, lower office -
E(Ul)
E(Ul) = plBl – Cl
Under this assumption, an ambitious politician will
attempt to move to higher office when:
E(Uh) = phBh – Ch >E(Ul) = plBl – Cl
What is problematic about this assumption?
14. Running for Higher Office – A Two-Stage
Decision Process
Maestas and colleagues argue that there is a stable
disposition, or function, that each legislator holds.
Stage 1
Progressive Ambition = f(E(UA)
= pgenBmarg – Cmarg + M)
Where pgenis the long-run probability of winning office
Bmargis the expected gain from the target office
Cmargis the expected costs from running for the target office
M = personal motivations outside of the cost-benefit analysis
Those who enter Stage 2 have already crossed a
threshold level of ambition.
Stage 2 Pr(Run | Progressive Ambition > 0 = f(Pt, pgen,Ct,)
15. f(E(UA)
= pgenBmarg – Cmarg + M)
pgen Bmarg Cmarg M
Estimation of
winning the party
nomination.
Assessment of
prestige and
effectiveness in U.S.
House career.
Family-cost index Desire to make
social or business
contacts
Estimation of
chances of winning
the general election.
Assessmentrelative
to current position in
state government.
Campaign-cost
index
Perception of district
partisan balance.
Signals from party.
17. Moving to the Second Stage
f(E(UA) = pgenBmarg – Cmarg + M)
If f(E(UA)) > 0, then they are scored as „1‟ (i.e. ambitious)
If f(E(UA)) ≤ 0, then then they are scored as „0‟ (i.e. not
ambitious)
Interviews
N = 597
F(E(UA))
1
0
N = 263
N = 334
18.
19.
20. Discussion
How do the authors connect their findings to political
responsiveness?
What are the implications for their findings?
What can they not determine from this study?
How might this study be extended?