1. 1
Caleb Chen
Professor Ning Ma
China and the West
Final Paper
National-Cultural Identity of the Chinese Nation-State
Introduction:
China’s historical context, and its influential prominence has always been a
stimulating topic in many history books. Whether China is seen in a sinocentric or
Western ethnocentric viewpoint, the identity of the country from a state, and local
understanding is crucial for understanding how China has become what it is today. Up
until the Qing dynasty, China was much more an empire than a Nation-State, a
civilization and a culture dominated by one race—the Han—rather than a society brought
together by a national project, and even less so by a modern citizenship. The following
paper will explore the primary identification of China and whether it is the national-
cultural identification of the everyday people (the proletarians, peasants and the general
masses), or the elite (Leaders, officials, and others in higher power).
I will first look at the fundamentals of nationalism from which I will then discuss
the two opposing ways nationalism can be seen. After that, I will explain the two main
parties that shaped the emergence of Chinese nationalism, and discuss in detail how their
leadership defined the cultural identity of the nation-state. And finally I will discuss
various forms of nationalism that affects the national and cultural identity of China
through the lens of the officials and the citizens.

2. 2
Foundation of Nationalism
It is widely accepted that Chinese nationalism took form only as a reaction to the
shock of forced contact with the West, after the Opium War of 1840.1
The identity of
China was in the hands of the West, where the Chinese had no sense of pride for their
own nation. Ever since the treaties, China has been promoting the cultural and national
unity of the Chinese. Chinese nationalism has drawn upon extremely diverse ideological
sources spanning from traditional Chinese thinking, Western Modernization, and
Marxism. The vision of China was to move forward as a people; unfortunately the
ideology of nationalism itself was manifested in many conflicting ways. There was a
desirability of a unified Chinese nation, but almost every other question has been a
subject of intense debate. What policies would lead a strong China, what is the structure
of the state and its goal, what is the relationship between China and foreign powers, and
what should the relationship be between various races of Chinese within China, and
overseas Chinese were the types of questions worth debating. These questions help
describe the formation of China’s identity and are answered by two main competing
nationalist programs: the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang-KMT) and the Chinese
Communist Party (CCP). The relationship of these two parties was the focal points of
how Chinese Nationalism was shaped.
The Centralized and Decentralized Opposing Identities2
Sun Yat-sen was a major figure and a very big advocate for a centralized identity
of China than for a decentralized national identity. During the construction of the
1
Zhao, Suisheng. A Nation-State by Construction: Dynamics of Modern Chinese
Nationalism. (pg. 38). Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. 2004. Print.
2
Go
to
Fig.
1
in
appendix

3. 3
Nationalist party, there was a sense of disjunction that came from the inception of the
nation-state. Some leaders of the nationalist revolution conceived that the nation should
be as one unit that is built as a centralized nation-state, while others were influenced by
their distinct provincial or local identities, who first pledged loyalty to their provinces or
local communities first, and wanted to construct a decentralized Chinese federation.3
The idea of a centralized state essentially came from the Confucian ideal of
Datong, which meant great harmony. Through this concept, Sun Yet-sen and many other
leaders that strived for a centralized nation assumed that historical tradition could be
applied for a cultural unity at the time. To Sun, the people of China were called guomin
(nationalist citizens). But he also criticized the people for resembling a “loose sheet of
sand” because outside of their immediate family and their local community, they lacked
social understanding of the rest of China. Ultimately, Sun believed that in order to build a
nation-state that has a central role, there must be an end to localism.
In contrast to the centralist theory of a nation-state, federalists kept the U.S. model
of federalism in mind, by making provincial traditions as the foundation of the nation.4
From the federalists’ perspective we can see that the there is a strong resemblance of
Western influence since their first penetration into China. It is not to say that the
federalists were completely opposed to Sun. In fact, they honored him as a hero despite
their differences over how the Chinese nation-state should be established.5
Their main
argument was that a national unity was derived from unity as an aggregation of each
individual local community.
3
Zhao, Suisheng. (pg. 70-71)
4
Zhao, Suisheng. (pg. 72)
5
Clubb,
Edmund.
20th
Century
China.
Print.
(pg.
185)

4. 4
These distinct attributes in district political-administrative units can be traced all
the way back to the Ming Dynasty around the fourteenth century, but can be seen largely
taking place during the late nineteenth century when provincial elites in the Yangtze
valley began to articulate a political role against foreign aggressors.67
During the
Republican Revolution, China witnessed a rise in provincial political consciousness.
Local autonomy was actively sought and exercised by many local elites. The Declaration
of Provincial Self-government on August 12, 1921, called for legal division of power
between the centralized and the provincial leaders since the consent of local power came
from the local people in order to protect their civil rights.
The division between centralism and federalism became the most tense during the
1920s. For a while, the federalist vision was very powerful especially in the efforts of the
Liansheng zizhi yundong (United Provinces of Self-government movement).8
The
political chaos caused by previous dynasties was from too much centralized power in the
hands of a concentrated group of leaders and officials. Everyone competed for two
positions: president and premier, which were always held by warlords, resulting in
chaotic military struggle. Political order would be established if the military, political,
financial, and diplomatic order would be decentralized into the hands of the provinces.9
Sun Yat-sen’s Criticism
The movement towards the federalists’ appeal was in all honesty an innocent
liberal appeal, but unfortunately the movement quickly degenerated into an instrument
for warlords. In different provinces there were disputes and protests at all levels. To assist
6
Duara.
Provincial
Narratives
of
the
Nation.
(pg.
12)
7
Go
to
Appendix
for
Fig.
2
8
Zhao, Suisheng. (pg. 79)
9
Clubb,
Edmund.
20th
Century
China.
Print.
(pg.
187)

5. 5
certain movements there were provincial-to-provincial assistance at a military level. Sun
Yat-sen criticized that the Liansheng zizhi yundong had become a nuisance rather than an
aid for the revival of China. He complained that copying the U.S. federal system in China
is ridiculous since China was very different from the United States, which was a nation of
independent states before the federal government was established.10
China was a
complete 180 degrees in terms of their historical tradition of national unity. The United
States was able to become a powerful nation-state because it was able to unify what were
independent states. China on the other hand would be weakened by a federalist system
because Chinese was already once united.
In order for Sun to implement his idea of a unified national polity against
federalism, he emphasized popular sovereignty at the national rather than a provincial
level (quanmin zhengzhi). He also recommended creating self-governments at the county
level (fenxian zizhi) to go beyond the level of the province. Sun’s self-government
popular sovereignty model would eliminate the provinces as significant centers of power.
National Sovereignty for the State
The main issue of the fusion of the nation and state in the early 20th
century was
the ability to achieve their new social and political life forms of authority which can not
only satisfy their need to reassert themselves as a strong nation based on their dim history
but also provide the basis for reorganizing their society for the next progression into the
modern world. What attracted so many people of the Chinese elite to the Western
political thought was the rapid growth in wealth and power of these states. Their focus,
10
Dr. Sun Yat-sen, San Min Chu I: The Three Principles of the People, trans. Frank W.
Price, ed. L. T. Chen (Shanghai, China: China Committee, Institute of Pacific Relations,
1927.

6. 6
therefore, was not on the political liberty and federalism or the democratic approach the
United States had. The result of this was the concentrated focus on the power of
nationalism as an organizing force to build a strong state authority. Chinese nationalism
for the elites was not for its civil function, as the popular participation from the common
people attended it to be, but more for the utility of preventing the destruction of the
Chinese state.
A popular quote from Cai Er, openly criticized the concept of the people’s
sovereignty.
“National sovereignty can only belong to the state not the people. The state has
the responsibility to seek happiness for its people. If sovereignty is vested in the people,
what if some people sacrifice the interest of the state in order to promote their own
interests? … There are over 400 million people in China. How can sovereignty be
divided among so many people? … What if the people who have sovereignty want to use
it to blackmail the state? This would be a disastrous course.”11
This is important to keep in mind because if the state was lost, who would die? And who
would be saved if the nation were saved? In order to have a strong nation, the state must
precede the nation. The nation does not make the states, but it is the states that create
nations. The states have then begun to gain an increasingly important role in maintaining
the Chinese nation and the longevity of Chinese nationalism after the last dynasty was
overthrown. Two revolutionary parties the KMT and the CCP lead the two major nation-
11
Quoted
from
Cai

7. 7
state building movements. The KMT thought of the nation-state as a body of citizens
under the political guardianship of the KMT party, while the CCP expressed dominance
of a social party that was represented by the CCP in a one-party state. The overall
competition of the two parties was what ultimately shaped the organization of Chinese
nationalism.
KMT’s –led Revolution
The KMT-led revolution was in its majority an elite nationalist movement. A
nationalist party with this mentality believes that nationalism had to first be preached by
men who knew the world, or at least knew the world more than the provincials would
ever know.12
The KMT was founded by Sun Yat-sen “father of the nation”. The party’s
purpose was to lead a nationalist revolution and at the same time build a unitary state to
form a prosperous nation. Sun was not only inspired to have ethical principles of
Confucianism as a foundational part of Chinese nationalism, but also sought out for
American and French revolutionary ideals to create a modern and democratic republic.
Sun constantly reached out for foreign assistance, but to no avail was he able to
get their help for his revolution. Regardless of this fact, he still stayed friendly with
foreign parties. This dynamic changed after Sun went to Japan to seek assistance since
they responded with a demand to take over Chinese territory.13
The KMT began to target
both foreign imperialism and domestic warlords all at the same time once Sun became
infuriated by his inability to get foreign assistance and their persistent support of the
warlord government.
Critiques on the KMT
12
Zhao, Suisheng. (pg. 80)
13
Zhao, Suisheng. (pg. 83)

8. 8
Sun’s goal for the Chinese people guomin was to educate them into politically
conscious citizenry. The problem Sun had was that he failed to realize that there may
actually be potential conflicting interests among these so called guomin. He believed that
since his revolution was a citizens’ revolution, therefore all the patriotic Chinese would
support it. But the harsh truth was that not all of the Chinese people were supportive of
the nationalist revolution. In fact, due to the large mass China is, each region had a deep
divide due to different regional identities and socio-economical identities. The KMT
wasn’t able to establish a Chinese nation that could bring these regional and class
divisions together.
The regional division was mainly related to the persistence of warlordism. This
issue was particularly hard to overcome since the KMT governmental was established
through a military expedition therefore it could not free itself from the influential power
of the regional military leaders that helped bring the KMT to power. The KMT was
composed of politicians and intellectuals that came together because they served with
personal loyalty to Sun. A lot of the regional militarists remained in power not only
because of their declared allegiance to the Nationalist revolution and had little to no
commitment to the ideological goals of the movement, but also because they were
financed by their local resources. These militarists were able to indulge in their regional
power making it a major barrier for a clear Chinese nation to form.
The other major barrier was class division. The KMT relied mainly on the literate
upper class of the Chinese population and partially the small urban middle class. The
KMT’s nationalist movement aimed to build a nation-state that looked pleasing to
property owners with no plan of any sort of further social revolution other than national

9. 9
independence. The identity they wanted to appeal to was not the majority of the
population in China. The large agrarian society of China was consisted of approximately
90 percent of peasants. Regardless of this fact, the KMT-led nationalist revolution did not
make an effort to account for the lower class stratum of the Chinese society. Sun pursued
the revolutionary quest of independence and national sovereignty with a heavy reliance
on military force and upper level class elites rather than the main mass of working class
people and peasants, which ultimately led to his downfall. Sun’s goal was to provide for
all people with a statewide ruling, but his understanding of the common people was not in
the first hand perspective of the Chinese, but in his own intellectual thought. He never
trusted the masses to participate in these political affairs.14
Elite nationalism set severe limits to coherent nation building and made the
KMT’s ability to deal with national dissonance by warlordism and relationships between
different social interests ineffective.
Elite Nationalism and Mass Nationalism
A nation is invented by political elites in an attempt to legitimize their rule. It is
safe to say that Elite nationalism becomes insufficient only when the political and
economic penetration of power reaches an extent where a mass movement is required to
counter it. An example of this is the Japanese invasion in the 1930s, which terrorized not
only the state of the Chinese state but also terrorized China at the national level as well. It
was therefore necessary to transform elite nationalism into mass nationalism.
Taking advantage of the Japanese invasion, the CCP was able to infuse an anti-
imperialist nationalistic viewpoint with social revolution and by and large a massive
14
Zhao, Suisheng. (pg. 86)

10. 10
guerrilla warfare. The KMT was unfortunately too slow to change their elite nature into
one that was more fitting for the masses. The CCP had the ability to lead a mass-based
nationalistic people, which gave them the upper hand. It can be said that China is an
example of a mass moved party that dethroned a nationalist elite.
The CCP
The CCP was founded on native nationalist ideals during the May Fourth
movement. Some saw the characteristics of the May Fourth movement as pro-democracy,
others pro-Marxist, and still others saw it as anti-feudalistic and anti-imperialistic, but it
was without question a nationalistic movement.15
It wasn’t until the May Fourth
movement did the new standards of modern nationalism highlight an intense movement
towards anti-imperialism. After the 1911 Revolution the first generation communist
leaders (Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao) realized that they needed to change the old
revolutionary methods and turn towards a new method. The May Fourth movement
educated them to move towards and rely on the Russian road.
The Leninist version of Marxism was a powerful tool of resistance to imperialism
that seemed like a promising possibility for national independence. It is not technically a
value that Lenin himself pertained as a main value of Marxism, but he saw how there was
power in the ways which it could be employed. Regardless, Chinese intellectuals
accepted Marxism-Leninism as a vessel for anti-imperialism and national liberation.
These Chinese intellectuals turned to the Russians as a model to follow by because it was
successful and the Soviet government respected China’s national sovereignty. Once the
15
Zhao, Suisheng. (pg. 88)

11. 11
Soviet government surrendered its hold on China in the 1920s, many of these intellectuals
believed that socialism was fair and just that met national liberation.
Chen Duxiu was critical of the nation-state and called for a universal world of
communism. He states, “The nation-state was a puppet used to protect the rights of
aristocrats internally and harm small and weak countries externally… If people in every
country gradually understand the truth of the universal world… the puppet will lose its
utility.” The Chinese has to be educated in order to have the strength for unity so that
they can join the universal community of the world.16
The CCP’s Movement for the People
The CCP’s Fourth National Congress in 1925 have developed four major
resolutions that involved workers’ movements, peasants’ movement, youth movements,
and women’s movements. These resolutions raised a question about the relationship
between the universal nature and class nature of the nationalist revolution. At the same
time these resolutions proposed that the Chinese revolution should have the objective of
overthrowing world capitalists and converting the nationalist revolution into a revolution
specifically for the proletarian class. The CCP, after exploiting the weakness of the KMT
(relied to heavily on the elite class), will not only try to participate in the anti-imperialist
nationalist revolution, but will also try to seize the leadership position and prepare for its
own class revolution relying solely on the proletarians and the peasants.17
Following this track, the CCP organized trade unions to strike against capitalists
with factories in China, and also against the Chinese bourgeoisie. The mass movement
16
Zhao, Suisheng. (pg. 90)
17
Zhao, Suisheng. (pg. 92)

12. 12
had become more and more radical as the demands from the workers became more and
more difficult for the capitalists and the Chinese bourgeoisie to accept.
This new revolution pertained specifically to class struggle between Chinese
proletarians, peasants, and the Chinese capitalists and landlords, which will inevitably
come to the point of a civil war. When we compare this revolution to previous ones, those
of the past were no more than just a national struggle (struggle between imperialists and
the Chinese). But now the issue of China has become more than just at the national level,
the issue has come to a level of the people who own the land and factories versus those
that work. The class identity is an important issue the CCP was able to touch upon. China
is slowly becoming a country that is defined more than just by the people who lead it, but
given the opportunity, the people who make the agrarian land prosper defines the cultural
identity of China as well.
Post Civil War: The Identity of China
The Communist victory in the civil war of the late 1940s was without a doubt
bound to happen. The timing for the KMT was not in their favor, which allowed for the
CCP to take advantage of their failure in their political system. The success of their
political maneuvering and military campaigns, as well as their push for a mass
mobilization was what the CCP benefited from. The KMT however did have a military
that was approximately three times the size of that of the CCP, and with the help of the
United States, they were able to gain control of China’s industrial and financial centers
and asserted much authority over many areas of the country. At this time, Zhu De, the
commander-in-chief of the CCP got in contact with Chiang Kai-shek on August 16, 1945
to come to an agreed negotiation. In the end, there was a compromise of having twenty-

13. 13
six seats for the KMT, ten for the CCP, and four for the China Democratic Alliance to be
represented in the National Government Council.18
Unfortunately, even though there was an agreement, the rivalry between the KMT
and the CCP made the actual compromise impossible to fulfill. As war broke out again,
the KMT troops were defeated and the KMT government fled south towards Guangzhou
in humiliation. Ultimately, Chiang was forced to abandon the mainland and fled to
Taiwan, and Mao proclaimed the birth of the PRC on October 1, 1949.
A New Form of Nationalism
It can be agreed upon that the cultural identity of China belonged to the everyday
people and the masses. But as the People’s Republic of China came into place there was a
new found issue at hand. The communist state established effective control over
individuals and was ready to use force to implement sanctions against those who opposed
the communist state. This type of state nationalism was not what many Chinese liberal
nationalists wanted to see after the revolution. Even though the PRC came out as
victorious over the KMT, there will always be people who oppose their views. Now the
matter at hand is not only to protect the rights of the Chinese nation, but also liberal
enough to protect the rights of the people. Many Chinese yearned for national
independence and were willing to sacrifice their individual freedom for the freedom of
the nation. Nonetheless, there were many Chinese liberal nationalists that protested the
incumbent state elite, which had a lot of institutionalized corruption, and political
oppression that robbed many people of their self-respect.
18
Zhao, Suisheng. (pg. 111)

14. 14
Liberal nationalists strongly oppose a regime that denies its citizens personal
dignity and call for popular awareness. They do not consider the government legitimate
unless it represents its nationals. This liberal part of nationalism has been seen as a
challenge to authoritarian states and has become a newfound basis for democracy.19
Liberalism and nationalism were introduced around the same time during the
twentieth century by Chinese intellectuals looking for political and social reform. Liang
Qichao was one of the first intellectuals that attempted to bring together the rights of the
Chinese nation and the rights of the individual. Liang wanted the citizens to be able to
exercise four freedoms: political, religious, national, and personal. He believed that the
habit of counting on others and never relying on oneself was the reason why China failed
at building a nation-state. The citizens must be self-conscious and functioning members
of modern China.
Liang also acknowledged that national rights and individual rights don’t really go
hand-in-hand. His theory was that civil rights minquan would sooner or later replace
monarchial rights junquan which will lead to progress. As liberalism is an ideal world,
nationalism must first be accepted as a historical necessity. During the May Fourth
movement, Chinese scholars figured out that individuality became more important than
the state and society, and were the source of ethics and values. The lens of each
individual’s identity was what made social progress contrary to tradition.
Hu Shi, one of the most prominent liberal nationalist was a supporter of the self-
government movement, and he joined Cai Yuanpei and several other liberal intellectuals
19
Zhao, Suisheng. (pg. 122)

15. 15
in building a government that would tolerate individual freedom.20
He stated that the
people have felt a lack of freedom in recent years since various government agencies
have violated peoples’ freedom and their rights.
Unfortunately, this voice of liberal nationalism did not last very long. The
Japanese invasion in the 1930s showed what these liberal nationalists valued the most.
Many Chinese liberal intellectuals were like Hu; were a patriot first then liberal second.
The identities of many Chinese liberals were therefore ingrained in their country first,
then social development. Hu Shi eventually joined the KMT government, and other
liberal nationalists allied with the CCP. They either opposed the KMT’s authoritarianism
or the CCP’s communist revolution.
Chinese Culture and Globalization
Going forward to a more recent look, we can see that many Chinese liberal
nationalists found themselves pondering controversial questions. The main ones of course
are the relationship between the Western culture and the Chinese culture, and the
relationship between the trend of globalization and the principle of nationalism. In the
1990s more and more liberal intellectuals saw the value of traditional Chinese culture.
There was a lot of resistance against the Western cultural hegemony. Many of these
cultural nationalists stated that Western cultural penetration into the nation was a threat to
China’s national interest.
From this, there was a new awareness of the need to articulate a more vivid
Chinese cultural identity. Many students had craved Western culture but over certain
historical events (Beijing losing the bid for the Olympics and the U.S. aircraft carriers
20
Hu Shi zuopin, Taipei 1986, pp. 75-82. Refer also to Grieder.1970. Print. (pg.195)

16. 16
sent to defend Taiwan in March 1996) they had to thoroughly rethink their position and
their values. Before they can abandon the America way, they must first understand that
they had a lack of nationalistic spirit, and were blindly worshipping the United States.
China was also on a unique path of economic development and will soon become
an economic superpower in the twenty-first century. The image of cultural identity was
enhanced by China’s remarkable economic achievements in the 1990s. These economic
successes helped build up the intellectuals’ self-confidence in their tradition and a new
national pride was formed in their culture.
When looking at the tension between nationalism and globalization, Chinese
liberal nationalists such as Li Shenzhi argued that with globalization as a trend, China
must understand globalization more deeply in order to partake in it more actively. On the
other side, there were some liberal nationalists who were concerned with globalization
since Western countries dominated this trend. They feared that this would allow Western
countries to use their global power to pursue interests against China.21
China’s backwardness on economic, political and military levels created a
predicament for modern Chinese national-cultural identity. In order to stand out in the
world, it must seek modernity; but in order to maintain the nation’s independent
nationalism, it must be alert to the dangers of a Western-centric modernity, which was
what dominated globalization. Therefore China has a conflicting relationship with
globalization and with its own cultural tradition. This double bind, with conflicts between
the self and the other, on the one hand, and tradition and modernity, on the other hand,
21
Zhao, Suisheng. (pg. 152-153)

17. 17
has contributed to the formation of the ambivalent characteristics of modern Chinese
national-cultural identity.
Ethnic Nationalism
China is without a doubt a Han-centric nation. The majority of the people in
China have come from Han background. But the question is whether national identity in
contemporary China is based on a Han-dominant Confucian tradition or a multiethnic
society that originated during the Qing Empire. The territory we call China today was
formed through a painful and violent process of expansion during the Qing dynasty.
One reason the CCP became dominant in China was because they took advantage
of ethnic nationalism for the strategic purpose of enlisting the support of minority groups
that were furious with the KMT’s ethnic policies. By inheriting the ethnic policy of the
Qing predecessors, the Communists did not build a country based on Han superiority.
Instead, they built a multiethnic society in which all groups are equal, but at the same
time must abide by the state.22
Today Chinese leaders are trying to achieve the same goals as the Qing did by
sending economic aid to different minorities, and implementing statewide affirmative
action programs. These programs are ultimately designed to give minorities their stake in
the remaining parts of China. These actions are instilled today, because the Party leaders
know that a negative relationship with the minority groups can cause a disruptive
disintegration of the Chinese nation-state. This may sound like ethnic tensions will not
rise, but the truth is, is that balancing this relationship between nationalism and ethnic
identity may or may not fail. There have already been the Tibet 2008 and Xinjiang 2009
22
Tang, Wenfang; He Gaochao. Separate but Loyal: Ethnicity and Nationalism in China.
Print. (pg. 43)

18. 18
riots as examples of ethnic tension. When the affirmative action program and current
market competition are combined there will without a doubt be rising levels of ethnic
tension.
Conclusion
China has gone through much change over the last century. The national and
cultural identity of China has been debated and seen in multiple directions. We saw
through the lens of the leaders from the KMT and CCP parties what they believed a
national identity should be, decentralized or centralized. From this, we saw that the
outcome was the formation of the PRC, once the CCP was victorious over the KMT. The
identity however was not constant. As China is large, so are the minds and the wants of
all people in different regions. Various types of nationalism have formed that captured
different peoples’ wants and political thought. Foreign power from the West was always
a topic of discussion for the leaders in each party as they are a big part of how China has
claimed its identity. In modern day China it is safe to say that it’s national and cultural
identity belongs to the people and their traditions, but the Party’s ideals are still to be
treated as equal among all ethnicities in China. The goal as China moves forward is to
keep that balance between the people and the Party, as well as keeping in mind foreign
nations and the economic market.

19. 19
Appendix
Figure 1

20. 20
Figure 2

21. 21
Work Cited
1. Chesneaux, Jean; Bastid, Marianne; and Bergere Marie-Clarie. China from
the Opium War to the 1911 Revolution. New York, New York: Pantheon
Books. 1976. Print. (Used for figure 1, and 2)
2. Clubb, Edmund. 20th
Century China. New York, New York: Columbia
University Press. 1964. Print.
3. Duara, Prasenjit. Provincial Narratives of the Nation. Chicago, Illinois:
University Of Chicago Press. 1997. Print.
4. Dr. Sun Yat-sen, San Min Chu I: The Three Principles of the People,
trans. Frank W. Price, ed. L. T. Chen (Shanghai, China: China Committee,
Institute of Pacific Relations, 1927. Print.
5. Hu Shi zuopin, Taipei 1986, pp. 75-82. Refer also to Grieder.1970. Print.
6. Tang, Wenfang; He Gaochao. Separate but Loyal: Ethnicity and
Nationalism in China. Honolulu, Hawai’i. East-West Center. 2010. Print.
7. Zhao, Suisheng. A Nation-State by Construction: Dynamics of Modern
Chinese Nationalism. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press.
2004. Print.